HIST5544B Special Topics in Comparative History (International Relations):
China-Japan Relations from 1949 to Present

(week by week progression)
1. 
Overall introduction to the course, reading materials, assessment methods; China’s basic decision-making mechanisms on foreign policy and security issues. The “special historical relationship” between China and Japan; early contacts and mutual influence up to the Meiji Restoration (1860s). Significance of Sino-Japanese ties in the context of the development of East Asia and Asia’s response to multiple challenges from Europe/U.S. in the 19th century.

2. 
Discussion of China-Japan relations up to the end of Second World War. Comparison between the modernization movements in China and Japan; the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95; Japan’s occupation of China’s Northeast. The role of Chinese intellectuals and revolutionaries who studied in Japan from the 1890s to 1910s. The impact and legacy of Japan’s invasion and the Sino-Japan War (1937-45).

3. 
The road to normalization of relations in 1972. The roles played by major leaders including Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Liao Chengzhi, Kakuei Tanaka; background of seminal bilateral agreements on issues such as war-time compensation; the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands; and the issue of Taiwan. Tokyo’s China policy in the course of the Cultural Revolution.

4. Sino-Japan relations during China’s Era of Reform (I). The conclusion of the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation in 1978. Japan’s role in China’s industrialization and modernization post-1980; Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang’s Japan policies; factors behind the gradual shift in Tokyo’s attitude toward China. Emerging differences in the two countries’ views on politics, culture, economic development, and Asia-U.S. relations.

5.
Sino-Japan relations during China’s Era of Reform (II). The background behind major differences between the two nations: the “question of history”; territorial disputes; the rise of nationalism in both countries; and so forth. The phenomenon of “cold politics, hot economics.” The minority view of Chinese intellectuals who advocate a “moderate and conciliatory” approach to Japan. Exacerbated differences between the two nations’ views on politics, culture, the environment, globalization, and Asia-U.S./Asia-EU relations.

6. 
The foreign and Japan-related policies of the Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao administrations; China’s foreign-policy establishment. The rise of the post-WWII generation of politicians and bureaucrats in Japan. The hard-line diplomacy of former prime minister Junichiro Koizumi. Efforts by Japan to become a “normal nation” and their impact on China and the rest of Asia. The horrendous anti-Japanese demonstrations of 2005.

7. 
Rapprochement of ties under prime ministers Shinzo Abe and Yazuo Fukuda. Major agreements reached during PM Abe’s visit to China in late 2006; Premier Wen Jiabao’s Japan tour of 2007; and President Hu Jintao’s trip to Tokyo in May 2008. The significance of the Hu-Fukuda communiqué, especially the possible resolution of the East China Sea problem.

8. 
Changes in Sino-Japan relations after the Democratic Party of Japan became the ruling party in 2009. Former prime minister Yukio Hatoyama’s policy of “maintaining equidistance between China and the U.S.” Bilateral ties under former PMs Naoto Kan and Yoshihiko Noda. Further stagnation of the Japanese economy vs. the growing importance
of the China market to Japan’s economic recovery.

9.
Precipitous decline in relations after the Noda administration’s “purchase” of the Diaoyu-Senkaku islands in September 2012. Comparison between the anti-Japanese demonstrations of 2009 and those of 2005. Bilateral interactions under the new Xi Jinping and Shinzo Abe administrations. The impact of Abenomics and Abe’s “Japan is back” policy. Xi Jinping’s new-look policy toward Japan and the U.S.

10.
The rise of China’s international clout and the intense competition between the two most powerful countries in Asia. Global implications of Sino-Japanese rivalry; the contest to become the leader of Asia; efforts made by Beijing and Tokyo to woo ASEAN countries. Triangular relationships that have complicated Sino-Japanese ties: the significance of China-Japan-U.S., China-Japan-Russia, and China-Japan-Indian relations.

11.
Focus on oil diplomacy: Beijing and Tokyo’s attitude toward the energy issue and possible room for cooperation in this crucial sector. Focus on soft power: similarities and differences between the attempts by China and Japan to boost their respective global influence through the projection of soft power – especially the propagation of the two countries’ unique cultures. The inexorable rise of nationalism in both China and Japan — and how this pacts on bilateral ties.

 
12.

Dramatic developments of bilateral ties in 2013-15. Testy relations between the nationalistic leaderships of Xi Jinping and Shinzo Abe. Uneasy meetings of the two top leaders in November 2014 and April 2015. Beijing’s ambitions to become a maritime power and its moves to shore up legitimacy claims over islets in the East China Sea and South China Sea. The impact of the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Development Bank and China’s “One Belt, One Road” game plan. The CCP leadership’s perception of Japan and India joining Washington’s alleged “containment policy” against China.

13.

Projection of China-Japan relations in the rest of the decade, especially given the intriguing development in the triangular relations between China, Japan and the United States. President Obama’s “pivot to Asia strategy” and the Pentagon’s decision to move 60 percent of America’s naval capacity to the Pacific Region. Abe’s virtual revision of the Japanese Constitution in July 2015 by turning the Self-Defense Forces into a regular army. Japan’s support of Vietnam and the Philippines in the latter’s sovereignty disputes with China. The Xi leadership’s high-profile military parade on September 3, 2015 to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of WWII. The increasing importance of economic cooperation and people-to-people ties in preventing the deterioration of China-Japan relations.

14. Revision of the major themes and highlights of the course.

40% – One scholarly paper of around 2,000 – 2,500  words
40% – Final examination
20% – Tutorial and class participation

To Be Announced

Sections of the following books (which will be put on reserve) will be required reading for this course. 

 Other materials will be distributed during class.

Chalmers Johnson, Japan: Who Governs, New York: Norton, 1995. 

Ming Wan, Sino-Japanese Relations: Interaction, Logic, and Transformation, Stanford University Press, 2006.

Michael Green, Japan’s Reluctant Realism: Foreign Policy Challenges in an Era of Uncertain Power, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.

Bates Gill, Rising Star: China’s New Security Diplomacy, Brookings Institution Press, 2007.

Kenneth B. Pyle, Japan Rising: The Resurgence of Japanese Power and Purpose, Public Affairs Press, 2007.

Willy Wo-Lap Lam, Chinese Politics in the Hu Jintao Era, M E Sharpe, 2006.

Peter Hays Gries, China’s New Nationalism: Pride, Politics and Diplomacy, Philip E Lilienthal Books, 2004.

Shambaugh, David, ed., Power Shift: China and Asia’s New Dynamics, University of California Press, 2005.

Susan L. Shirk, China: Fragile Superpower: How China’s Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise, 

                              Oxford University Press, 2007.

請注意大學有關學術著作誠信的政策和規則，及適用於犯規事例的紀律指引和程序。詳情可瀏覽網址：http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/policy/academichonesty/。

學生遞交作業時，必須連同已簽署的聲明一併提交，表示他們知道有關政策、規則、指引及程序。

• 如屬小組習作，則所有組員均須簽署聲明；所有組員（不論有否簽署聲明及不論有否直接或間接撰寫有問題的內容）均須負上集體責任及受到懲處。
• 如作業以電腦製作、內容以文字為主，並經由大學「維誠」系統 (VeriGuide) 提交者，學生將作業的電子檔案上載到系統後，便會獲得收據，收據上已列明有關聲明。

未有夾附簽署妥當的聲明的作業，老師將不予批閱。

學生只須提交作業的最終版本。

學生將作業或作業的一部份用於超過一個用途（例如：同時符合兩科的要求）而沒有作出聲明會被視為未有聲明重覆使用作業。學生重覆使用其著作的措辭或某一、二句句子很常見，並可以接受，惟重覆使用全部內容則構成問題。在任何情況下，須先獲得相關老師同意方可提交作業。